Who is Nixon?

This reflects Nixon's determination to be seen as a winner, which characterized his school career. It was a way out of the cordial trap of having no money.

On the opposite hand, Ambrose cites the belief of Nixon partisans that Nixon had " trace prescience" in obtaining assignments to both HUAC and Labor (1987, p. 143). That reflects Nixon's workhorse thoroughness. Nixon was also coauthor of a bill that would have required registration of communists and was attached with a bill, never introduced, to "outlaw the communist party completely" (Wicker, 1991, p. 50). Ambrose says he distanced himself from that effort because he came to feel making governmental martyrs out of professed communists would non be useful. just now Ambrose also cites Nixon's in truth public interrogation of Jack L. Warner, of Warner Bros. Studios, as well as his announcement of the contempt citations against the Hollywood Ten; in other words, Nixon did not abandon the headline-hunting HUAC in its Hollywood phase. Ambrose's long mass of Nixon's membership in HUAC is that he "was something of a moderating tempt" (1987), which is fair enough in view of the flamboyantly rough-cut conduct of doubting Thomas and other interlocutors of so many who were tarred with the dust of communist sympathy.

When viewed in terms of the prosecution Alger Hiss during his here and now term and the tenor of the senate campaign against Helen Gahagan Douglas in 1950, however, the weight of evidenc

Thus, not those who publicly and programmatically embraced communism as an alternative to the American system but those loyal Americans who vary socialist principles to the American system were to be feared and opposed. Union activists outfit that bill perfectly; communist infiltration was considered a heavy presence in the American wear down movement (Ambrose, 1987). opposition to socialism helps explain why, despite his poverty-stricken childhood, Nixon was active in supporting the employer class rather than the working class where labor relations were concerned.

According to Aitken (1993), Nixon's experience of his father's unsuccessful jobs kept him from opponent legitimate union rights, as many Republicans wanted to do. But he adopted the view that unions limited options of individual workers who were labored to strike by union leaders. Aitken says that Nixon wanted to find a way to "reduce industrial strife to a stripped" (1993, p. 134). The implication is that labor strife fostered by union challenges to direction put livelihoods at risk, and living in the margins had been a parking area feature of Nixon's past.

Nixon precept early on what Chairman [Parnell] Thomas and other HUAC members missed--that the CP members were no threat to the Republic, that outlawing their party would do no good and would not work in any case, and that the rattling danger was with the dupes, whether witting or not. And the leading dupes, as Nixon saw it, were the New Dealers (Ambrose, 1987, p. 150).

e seems on the side of the view that Nixon was not uncongenial to the idea of suppressing what he viewed as dangerously warlike political ideas. Ambrose's analysis is that Nixon worried less about " existent live Communists than . . . about fellow travelers, left-wing Democrats, and socialists" (1987, p. 150).

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